-        The Gulf visit exemplified Trump’s pragmatic, deal-driven diplomatic style—highlighting his strategy of prioritizing economic partnerships with Gulf states—and is widely seen as a calculated effort to reassert U.S. influence in the Middle East while securing substantial economic gains.

-        Saudi Arabia is thus carefully balancing its strategy: responding flexibly to Iranian aggression while remaining open to U.S.-brokered normalization with Israel.

-        South Korea is thus well-positioned to advance practical cooperation by leveraging areas of overlapping interest with the region.

In May 2025, President Donald Trump embarked on his first overseas trip of his second term, visiting Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates. The visit drew significant attention as a strategic move aimed at reshaping the diplomatic landscape of the Middle East, marked by lavish receptions and the signing of large-scale economic agreements.

In Saudi Arabia, President Trump met with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MbS), and finalized investment deals totaling $600 billion across the defense, artificial intelligence, and energy sectors. Notably, the crown prince had first unveiled the plan in a surprise announcement just two days after Trump’s inauguration this January. In Qatar, Trump announced $1.2 trillion in economic cooperation, including a major agreement to purchase 210 Boeing aircraft. In the UAE, he signed a $200 billion agreement focusing on technology and infrastructure investments.

The Gulf visit exemplified Trump’s pragmatic, deal-driven diplomatic style—highlighting his strategy of prioritizing economic partnerships with Gulf states—and is widely seen as a calculated effort to reassert U.S. influence in the Middle East while securing substantial economic gains. Whereas Trump’s first term emphasized support for Israel and pressure on Iran, his second-term policy has pivoted toward advancing U.S. economic interests through deeper partnerships with the Gulf states. President Trump is aggressively pushing for foreign investment into the United States, with a strong emphasis on reviving domestic manufacturing, creating jobs, and securing American energy dominance.

Through this strategy, President Trump has deliberately positioned Saudi Arabia—above all others—as a key partner in both investment and security, carefully cultivating the bilateral relationship. Central to this approach is Crown Prince MbS, who quickly captured Trump’s attention with the bold and strategic announcement of a massive investment deal just two days after the inauguration—regardless of whether it would ultimately be implemented.

As a gesture of appreciation, Trump chose Saudi Arabia as the first destination of his overseas tour and reportedly urged MbS to raise the total investment to $1 trillion. Even prior to the visit, Trump had helped elevate Saudi Arabia’s global standing by setting the stage for its emergence as an international mediator. In March, Crown Prince MbS hosted delegations from Ukraine, Russia, and the United States, leading a series of meetings that culminated in the announcement of a 30-day ceasefire. Although Ukrainian and Russian representatives did not meet face-to-face, the crown prince conducted active shuttle diplomacy between Riyadh and Jeddah. Embracing a new diplomatic slogan—“positive neutrality”—MbS also expressed his ambition to mediate between the United States and Iran.

Then, what are the crown prince’s true motivations? Saudi Arabia’s pledge to invest under Trump’s second term does not simply reflect blind alignment with the United States. Instead, the kingdom is calculating how best to maximize its leverage amid the complex dynamics of U.S.-China rivalry and the Israel-Iran confrontation. While cooperation with the United States and Israel remains a central pillar of Saudi foreign policy, Riyadh also views Iran’s military adventurism and America’s retreat from the Middle East as major security risks. Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons poses an existential threat, whereas Israel’s advanced technologies are seen as tools to support Saudi Arabia’s economic transformation and to compensate for the strategic vacuum left by a disengaging U.S.

After Israel launched its “New Order” campaign in the wake of the October 2023 war with Hamas—severely weakening Iranian-backed proxies like Hamas and Hezbollah, and inflicting major damage on the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in the region—Saudi Arabia quietly welcomed the outcome.

Nonetheless, the kingdom avoids directly confronting Iran, just as it refrains from antagonizing China or isolating Russia. Historically, every time Israel has increased military pressure on Iran, Tehran has retaliated by targeting Saudi oil facilities through its Houthi proxies in Yemen. In response, Riyadh has even directly urged Washington to restrain Israel’s escalatory actions against Iran.

Saudi Arabia is thus carefully balancing its strategy: responding flexibly to Iranian aggression while remaining open to U.S.-brokered normalization with Israel. In return, it is demanding firm U.S. security guarantees and support for a civilian nuclear program—leveraging China’s offers of military and nuclear cooperation as a bargaining chip. Still, in terms of technological superiority and reliability, Saudi Arabia continues to favor the United States and is expected to actively engage in the joint U.S.-Israel-Arab missile defense network to counter provocations by Iranian proxies. This strategic hedging is made possible, for now, by the kingdom’s oil wealth—even in an era of lower oil prices. But ultimately, the crown prince and the royal family understand better than anyone that time is not on Saudi Arabia’s side.

The Israel-Hamas war has triggered a rapid shift in the regional order. With Israel’s military offensives and the Trump administration’s return, Iran and the so-called “Axis of Resistance” have been temporarily set back, while the Gulf states and Israel have gained prominence—creating a strategic opening for South Korea to expand its influence and diplomatic footprint. For South Korea, the Gulf states serve as its largest energy suppliers and a high-value export market with substantial purchasing power. In return, South Korea offers critical technologies and a development model that align with the Gulf nations’ top-level reform agendas—focused on industrial diversification, social liberalization, and the recalibration of foreign and security policy.

Most notably, Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states are actively pursuing defense self-reliance and the acquisition of defense technologies in response to both the U.S. pivot away from the Middle East and Iran’s military expansionism. Thanks to its long-term strategic focus, South Korea has built internationally competitive capabilities in the defense and nuclear energy sectors. The country has recently emerged as the world’s ninth-largest arms exporter, with the Middle East accounting for one-third of the global arms trade. Korean tanks and artillery systems have been introduced through joint training exercises with the UAE and Qatar. With the signing of the Korea-GCC Free Trade Agreement and the Korea-UAE Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement in 2024, tariffs on arms exports have been lifted, paving the way for expanded defense cooperation with the Gulf states.

Additionally, building on the success of the Barakah nuclear power plant in the UAE, South Korea has been pursuing nuclear reactor contracts in Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and beyond. The bilateral agreement on U.S.-ROK nuclear export cooperation signed in 2025 is expected to accelerate South Korea’s entry into the Middle Eastern nuclear market. South Korea is thus well-positioned to advance practical cooperation by leveraging areas of overlapping interest with the region.

Meanwhile, contributing to the post-war reconstruction of Gaza represents a critical opportunity for both South Korea and its Middle Eastern partners to fulfill responsibilities commensurate with their global stature and share in international leadership. While South Korea has increased its aid and humanitarian support to the region in recent years, its overall contributions still fall short—less than half the OECD Development Assistance Committee (DAC) average. In particular, humanitarian assistance to Palestine is a sensitive and highly symbolic issue—closely monitored by Gulf states, Israel, Iran, and the United States alike, all of whom see it as a matter of legitimacy. South Korea must therefore step up its involvement in Gaza’s reconstruction and peacebuilding efforts to establish itself as a trusted and responsible actor in the region.