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Key Takeaways:
- The new U.S.–Indonesia trade agreement establishes a 19% reciprocal tariff and over US$20 billion in U.S. export commitments, reshaping bilateral economic ties.
- While Jakarta touts the deal as a diplomatic win, the benefits remain uneven—Indonesia faces potential export declines, labor disruptions, and regulatory misalignment from U.S. policy alignment.
- To sustain growth, Indonesia must leverage its domestic strengths and diversify trade partnerships, rather than rely solely on tariff concessions to drive investment.
The second Trump administration concluded a trade agreement with Indonesia that establishes a 19% reciprocal tariff on Indonesian exports to the United States, reduced from the previously proposed 32%. In return, Indonesia agreed to make substantial purchases of U.S. goods, with a total accumulation of more than US$20 billion. The principal provisions of the agreement encompass the elimination of tariff barriers, the alignment of policies related to economic security, the removal of obstacles to digital trade, and the enhancement of labor standards.
The
agreement threatens to
disrupt existing supply chains and trade partnerships because it stipulates
the imposition of penalty tariffs on trans-shipment
activities involving Chinese goods routed through Indonesia, along with
Indonesia’s pledge to procure products manufactured in the U.S.. The additional
imposed penalties can reach or even exceed 40%.
President Prabowo
Subianto has mandated that the government prioritize
diplomatic channels, underscoring the U.S.' position as a key strategic ally. This development has been positively
received by several parties. The Indonesian Ministry of Industry attributed
this achievement to President Prabowo’s adept negotiation skills, through which
Indonesia secured more favorable tariff arrangements compared to competing
countries. This outcome is regarded as an important foundation for
strengthening the competitiveness of the national industry. Nevertheless, an assessment is necessary
to determine the success of this arrangement, as its impacts will likely unfold.
Retail Sector Impact
In Indonesia’s domestic retail sector,
the increased availability of U.S. products could expand
consumer options, encourage
shopping-related tourism, and stimulate higher retail expenditures, thereby
benefiting premium retail outlets and regional shopping centers. The tariff
adjustment is considered unlikely to negatively impact local small and medium
enterprises, as American imports typically cater to distinct market segments.
For instance, imported American apparel and footwear would not displace local
equivalents, as they belong to separate categories. The Indonesian association
of retailers emphasized that Indonesia should be more concerned about
competition from Chinese apparel and footwear, as a zero-percent tariff for
Chinese apparel and footwear would have a far greater negative impact on
domestic producers. The entry of American goods would provide a positive
stimulus for the retail industry, noting that some of the most affordable U.S.
products could become available in Indonesia’s premium outlets. This
development might even attract consumers from wealthier economies to visit
Indonesia for shopping purposes. China has indeed become a nightmare
for Indonesia’s retail and manufacturing sectors. Nevertheless, Indonesia
continues to rely on trade and investment relations with China, particularly
given the increasingly asymmetrical situation with the U.S..
However, some analysts maintain a critical
perspective, arguing that Indonesia remains at an economic disadvantage in this
context. The 19% tariff on Indonesian imports still diminishes price competitiveness of products such as textiles and palm oil within
the U.S. market. A consequent decline in export revenues is likely to ensue,
potentially leading to workforce reductions. Manufacturing facilities dependent
on U.S. demand may be compelled to implement layoffs or shutdowns. These
repercussions extend beyond direct exporters to ancillary industries, including
logistics firms, warehouse operations, and supply chain partners.
For comparison, Vietnam's previously
established tariff rate of 46% was successfully negotiated down to 20%. Critics
contend that even a marginal 1% differential in final tariffs fails to
compensate for Vietnam's stronger competitive advantages in the manufacturing
sector. These advantages include lower production costs and more efficient
logistics infrastructure. Consequently, Vietnam would still be the more
attractive destination for industrial relocation. At the same time,
Indonesia's weak competitive advantage poses a potential concern for American
companies, which may consequently reduce their investments.
Additionally,
Washington also exerted considerable pressure.
For example, the Indonesian government postponed the implementation of a
special label for nutrient grading system for food products high in sugar,
salt, and fat until 2027. This policy was originally designed to reduce the
country’s obesity rate, which has nearly doubled over the past decade. Washington
reportedly expressed concern that such a measure could negatively affect its
food and beverage exports to Indonesia, valued at approximately US$54 million.
The
alignment of policies has also
resulted in detrimental consequences for Indonesia. For example, a significant
implication of Indonesia's adoption of
U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) certifications for pharmaceuticals and
medical devices is the risk of regulatory incongruity. The FDA's regulatory
framework is predicated on the healthcare infrastructure of the U.S., which are
not necessarily representative of the Indonesian context. This misalignment may
subject Indonesia to a more rigorous and potentially unsuitable scrutiny
process.
Monetary and Fiscal Sector
The
Rupiah
experienced significant depreciation, surpassing the levels recorded during the
1998 financial crisis before later stabilizing. Global gold prices also
declined due to negative sentiment surrounding Trump’s policy decisions, which
subsequently affected domestic gold prices. Furthermore, the Indonesia Stock
Exchange implemented adjustments to its trading limits in an effort to mitigate
market volatility. Jakarta was
scrambling to respond. A comprehensive tax reform initiative was
also introduced to ease the burden on businesses. For instance, the import
income tax rate was reduced from 2.5% to 0.5%, while import duties on U.S.
products were adjusted from 5–10% to a range of 0–5%. At the same time, the
Indonesian government has strengthened enforcement measures and addressed
regulatory gaps. A significant component of this effort involves a nationwide
customs enforcement
campaign designed to recover lost fiscal revenue. These fluctuations caused by tariffs can also impact trade competitiveness
and foreign exchange flows, with potential Rupiah appreciation possibly making
U.S. exports less attractive domestically, thus affecting trade balances. To
enhance resilience against potential economic shocks, Indonesian
Central Bank decided to lower its policy rate (benchmark interest rate),
even as the U.S. Federal Reserve maintained its benchmark rate at 4.5% throughout
the year, reflects a more forward-leaning approach aimed at stimulating
domestic demand and export-driven production. The rate reduction seeks not only
to encourage domestic loan and consumption but also to ease financing
constraints for Indonesian exporters seeking to expand production capacity.
Conclusion
From
Jakarta's standpoint, the results of its tariff negotiations with the U.S. are
more accurately described as a set of carefully calibrated concessions rather
than a definitive success. These outcomes have produced asymmetric advantages,
constituting a highly qualified achievement rooted not in equitable terms but
in a pragmatic adjustment to the demands of Trump trade policy.
Thus, Indonesia cannot rely on tariff
reductions alone to generate significant near-term gains in investment or
exports. Investor decisions are predominantly influenced by foundational elements such as a productive labor force and a
credible regulatory environment, which outweigh the appeal of lower tariffs.
This is compounded by the fact that ASEAN members export different products to
the U.S.; consequently, the potential for diverting trade or investment flows
to Indonesia due to tariff advantages is inherently constrained. A
forward-looking strategy for Indonesia should capitalize on its inherent
economic strengths, including its reserves of critical minerals and its substantial
domestic consumer base, rather than acquiescing to American pressure for a
swift agreement. Concurrently, Indonesia must critically assess its significant
reliance on the American market for exports and proactively cultivate a more
diversified portfolio of investment and trade partnerships. A failure to enact
such strategic pivots risks damaging the political credibility of the Prabowo
administration.
Aswin Lin is a non-resident research associate at the Taiwan Center for Security Studies