► What is FFP, and what difference will it bring to the international environment that is increasingly driven by state-led security arguments? What implications does the diffusion of FFP have for South Korea as it strives to rise as a global pivotal state?

► FFP still has a long way to go before bringing about changes in the international environment driven by state-led security arguments.

► Nevertheless, promoting gender equality at the global level via FFP can be an effective strategy for South Korea as a middle power to gain greater voice and influence internationally.

Sweden surprised the world by declaring feminist foreign policy (hereafter FFP) in 2014. Since then, a number of countries like Canada (2017), France (2019), Mexico (2020), Germany (2022) along with several others have either adopted FFP or announced the intention of developing one. What is FFP, and what difference will it bring to the international environment that is increasingly driven by state-led security arguments? What implications does the diffusion of FFP have for South Korea as it strives to rise as a global pivotal state?

Feminist foreign policy: definition and implementation

Thompson et al.(2020) conceptualize feminist foreign policy as “the policy of a state that defines its interactions with other states, as well as movements and other non-state actors, in a manner that prioritizes peace, gender equality and environmental integrity; enshrines, promotes, and protects the human rights of all; seeks to disrupt colonial, racist, patriarchal and male-dominated power structures; and allocates significant resources, including research, to achieve that vision. Feminist foreign policy is coherent in its approach across all of its levers of influence, anchored by the exercise of those values at home and co-created with feminist activists, groups and movements, at home and abroad”[1] From such a definition, we can infer several things about FFP. First, FFP rejects racist, colonialist, patriarchal and male dominated structures that have traditionally shaped foreign policy. Second, FFP goes beyond 'policy by women' or 'policy for women,' instead advocates for an intersectional approach to emphasize both diversity and inclusiveness. Thirdly, FFP values collaboration and partnership with various actors in the international community to achieve gender equality, including states, women's civil society organizations, as well as social movements.

In practice, however, the specific ways in which FFP is defined and implemented vary across countries. For instance, while Sweden adopted and promoted the policy under the title of FFP, Canada announced 'feminist international development policy' (i.e., policy specific to aid and development), whereas France declared 'feminist diplomacy' (i.e., employing feminist approach to its diplomatic efforts). While the definition and scope of FFP may differ, the countries adopting FFP are similar in the sense that they place gender equality at the center of a state's foreign policy, which is an area that has traditionally been dictated by power and practical objectives. Additionally, the announcement of FFP is often followed up by specific action plans for implementation and monitoring, although to varying degrees.

What then explains the rise and diffusion of FFP in the past decade? It is important to note that FFP did not suddenly emerge one day as a new concept. Rather, FFP is grounded on the normative international frameworks supporting feminist governance that have solidified over the years. Specifically, the creation of international institutions and laws, such as the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), as well as the adoption of a series of UN Security Council Resolutions on Women Peace and Security are all important efforts initiated by the United Nations to work towards the gender equality at the global level. Additionally, a series of World Conferences on Women (e.g., Mexico City in 1975, Copenhagen 1980, Nairobi 1985, Beijing 1995), as well as the recent Generation Equality Forum in 2021, have contributed to setting global agendas on gender equality, and calling for partnerships across states, international organizations, the private sector, and the civil society. That is not to say, however, that FFP is entirely unoriginal. The declaration of FFP is certainly new, in the sense that states have begun to attach the word 'feminism' to foreign policy that have traditionally been power-centered and male dominant. Furthermore, what is distinct about FFP is that activists inside the government acted as a policy entrepreneur to set the agenda and have sought support from the broad feminist movement from within and outside the government to assist the institution of foreign policy (Aggestam and True, 2023).[2]

Of course, FFP still has a long way to go before bringing about changes in the international environment driven by state-led security arguments. On a gloomy note, Sweden has officially abandoned FFP in 2022, and other states that have endorsed the FFP brand continue to prioritize short-terms security concerns over long term conflict prevention. Furthermore, although FFP aims to go beyond policy by women, and policy for women and girls' rights, it has yet to deliver tangible results based on feminist and transformative approaches. Finally, countries with FFP have yet to provide a critical review of implementation, and specific plans for improvement (e.g., ways to apply FFP to different areas of aid and development, security, trade etc.).

Putting FFP in context: what this means for South Korea

The rise of FFP has important implications for South Korea. Soon after winning the election in 2022, President Yoon Suk-yeol presented the vision for South Korea as a 'global pivotal state,' aiming to raise the country's international profile in line with its rising economic, military and soft power, grounded on liberal democratic values like freedom, peace, and prosperity. More recently, South Korea was elected as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) for 2024-2025, promising to lead international discussions in issues regarding women, peace, and security (WPS), cyber security, and climate change. More evidence is building in the international community that cyber security and climate change have important gendered impacts. In order for South Korea to become the kind of power it aspires to be--i.e., global pivotal state leading discussions on emerging issues like WPS, cyber security, and climate change--it is necessary to put gender equality at the center of foreign policy, and to reach out to global partners in order to work together to fulfill that goal.

Of course, significant hurdles remain. The so-called 'gender war,' which refers to a conflict between men and women over gender issues, have intensified in recent years, and led to an anti feminism campaign pledge by Yoon Suk-yeol in 2022 (then a presidential candidate) to abolish the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family. Under such circumstances, it is rather difficult to bring up the word 'feminism' in any policy discussion, let alone foreign policy. Nevertheless, promoting gender equality at the global level via FFP can be an effective strategy for South Korea as a middle power to gain greater voice and influence internationally. Afterall, applying feminist perspectives in foreign policy has both normative and pragmatic importance. That is, gender neutral foreign policy that privilege the perspectives and experiences of men will only reproduce and reinforce gender inequality. Empirical evidence also suggests that greater participation and representation of women correlate strongly with economic growth and long-lasting peace.

[1] Thompson, L., Patel, G., Kripke, G., & O’Donnell, M. (2020). Toward A Feminist Foreign Policy in the United States. International Center for Research on Women.https://www.icrw.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/FFP-USA_v11-spreads.pdf

[2] Aggestam, K., & True, J. (2023). 'The rise of feminist governance in foreign policy' in M. Sawer, L. A. Banaszak, J. True & J. Kantola (Eds.), Handbook of Feminist Governance. Edward Elgar Publishing.